The Muslim Brotherhood and the  Egyptian Crisis 
Dore Gold 
Will the Obama administration’s  policy toward Egypt be based on a perception that the rise of the Muslim  Brotherhood would be extremely dangerous? Or have they taken the position –  voiced in parts of the U.S. foreign policy establishment – that the Brotherhood  has become moderate and can be talked to? Initial administration reactions  indicate that it does not rule out Muslim Brotherhood participation in a future  Egyptian coalition government. 
Since January 28, the Muslim  Brotherhood’s involvement has become more prominent, with its support of Mohamed  ElBaradei to lead the opposition forces against the government. In the streets  of Cairo, Muslim Brotherhood demonstrators disdainfully call people like  ElBaradei “donkeys of the revolution” (hamir al-thawra) – to be used and  then pushed away – a scenario that sees the Muslim Brotherhood exploit ElBaradei  in order to hijack the Egyptian revolution at a later stage.  
There has been a great deal of  confusion about the Muslim Brotherhood. In the years after it was founded in  1928, it developed a “secret apparatus” that engaged in political terrorism  against Egyptian Copts as well as government officials. In December 1948, the  Muslim Brotherhood assassinated Egyptian Prime Minister Mahmoud al-Nuqrashi  Pasha. It also sought to kill Egyptian leader Abdul Nasser in October 1954.  
Former  Brotherhood Supreme Guide Muhammad Akef declared in 2004 his “complete faith  that Islam will invade Europe and America.” In 2001, the Muslim Brotherhood’s  publication in London, Risalat al-Ikhwan, featured at the top of its  cover page the slogan: “Our Mission: World Domination.” This header was changed  after 9/11. 
The current  Supreme Guide, Muhammad Badi’, gave a sermon in September 2010 stating that “the  improvement and change that the *Muslim+ nation seeks can only be attained  through jihad and sacrifice and by raising a jihadi generation  that pursues death, just as the enemies pursue life.” 
Initially,  it was widely observed that the Muslim Brotherhood has been very low-key during  the current crisis in Egypt. Most analysts admitted that it is the best  organized and largest opposition group in Egypt, but they played down its role.  Yet since January 28, the Muslim Brotherhood’s involvement has become more  prominent. One tangible example is the support the Brotherhood has given to  Mohamed ElBaradei to lead the opposition forces against the government.  
In the  streets of Cairo, Muslim Brotherhood demonstrators disdainfully call people like  ElBaradei “donkeys of the revolution” (hamir al-thawra), to be used and  then pushed away.1  Thus, there is a  scenario that sees the Muslim Brotherhood exploit a figure like ElBaradei in  order to hijack the Egyptian revolution at a later stage. 
What is the  Muslim Brotherhood? It is known as Ikhwan al-Muslimun in Arabic, or just  Ikhwan, established in 1928 by an Egyptian schoolteacher, Hassan  al-Banna. Outwardly, it was a social and religious organization, but over the  years it developed a “secret apparatus” that engaged in military training of its  cadres and political terrorism against Egyptian Copts as well as government  officials. This dualism continued years later. In December 1948, the Muslim  Brotherhood assassinated Egyptian Prime Minister Mahmoud al-Nuqrashi Pasha. It  also sought to kill Egyptian leader Abdul Nasser in October 1954.  
The Muslim  Brotherhood also had an expansionist agenda right from the start, and called for  the re-establishment of the Islamic Empire. In the late 1930s, its newspaper  called for retaking “former Islamic colonies” in Andalus (Spain), southern  Italy, and the Balkans.2  This theme was  maintained in recent years by its former Supreme Guide, Muhammad Akef, who in  2004 declared his “complete faith that Islam will invade Europe and America,”  with the caveat that Westerners will join Islam by conviction.3 Others have also made this point.  According to Sheikh Yousef Qaradawi, widely regarded as the spiritual leader of  the Muslim Brotherhood: 
Constantinople was conquered in  1453 by a 23-year-old Ottoman named Muhammad ibn Murad, whom we call Muhammad  the Conqueror. Now what remains is to conquer Rome. That is what we wish for,  and that is what we believe in. After having been expelled twice, Islam will be  victorious and reconquer Europe....I am certain that this time, victory will be  won not by the sword but by preaching.4 
Over the  years, the Muslim Brotherhood opened branches in a number of Arab countries and  even has front organizations in the UK, France, and the U.S. But it has not  disavowed its original commitment to Islamic militancy and its global ambitions.  For example, the Muslim Brotherhood’s publication in London, Risalat  al-Ikhwan, has maintained a clearly jihadist orientation; in 2001 it  featured at the top of its cover page the slogan: “Our Mission: World  Domination” (siyadat al-dunya). This header was changed after 9/11, but  the publication still carries the Muslim Brotherhood’s motto which includes:  “Jihad is our path; martyrdom is our aspiration.”5 
The current  Supreme Guide of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Muhammad Badi’, gave a sermon  in September 2010 stating that Muslims today “need to understand that the  improvement and change that the [Muslim] nation seeks can only be attained  through jihad and sacrifice and by raising a jihadi generation  that pursues death, just as the enemies pursue life.”6 In short, the Muslim Brotherhood  remains committed to supporting militant activities in order to advance its  political aims. From looking at the biographies of its most prominent graduates,  one can immediately understand the organization’s long-term commitment to  jihadism: 
1. Abdullah Azzam (of the  Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood) and Muhammad Qutb (of the Egyptian Muslim  Brotherhood) taught at King Abdul Aziz University in Jidda, Saudi Arabia, where  they had a student named Osama bin Laden. Azzam went off to Pakistan with his  student, bin Laden, to help the mujahidin fight the Soviets in  Afghanistan. 
2. Ayman al-Zawahiri (bin  Laden’s deputy) grew up in the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood.  
3. Khalid  Sheikh Muhammad (the al-Qaeda mastermind of the 9/11 attacks) came out of  the Kuwaiti Muslim Brotherhood. 
Given this  background, the Muslim Brotherhood has been widely regarded in the Arab world as  the incubator of the jihadist ideology. A former Kuwaiti Minister of  Education, Dr. Ahmad Al-Rab’i, argued in Al-Sharq al-Awsat on July 25,  2005, that the founders of most modern terrorist groups in the Middle East  emerged from “the mantle” of the Muslim Brotherhood. 
Many  columnists in the Middle East have warned in recent years about the  Brotherhood’s hostile intentions. Tariq Hasan, a columnist for the Egyptian  government daily Al-Ahram, alerted his readers on June 23, 2007, that the  Muslim Brotherhood was preparing a violent takeover in Egypt, using its “masked  militias” in order to replicate the Hamas seizure of power in the Gaza Strip.  And columnist Hussein Shobokshi, writing in the Saudi-owned Al-Sharq al-Awsat  on October 23, 2007, said that “to this day” the Muslim Brotherhood “has  brought nothing but fanaticism, divisions, and extremism, and in some cases  bloodshed and killings.” Thus, both Arab regimes and leading opinion-makers in  Arab states still have serious reservations about the claim of a new moderation  in the Muslim Brotherhood.7 4 
Ironically, in the last five years,  prominent voices in the West have considered opening a political dialogue with  the Muslim Brotherhood. For example, Dr. Robert S. Leiken and Steven Brooke  published an article in the March-April 2007 issue of Foreign Affairs  called “The Moderate Muslim Brotherhood” in which they advised the Bush  administration to enter into a strategic alliance with the organization, which  they referred to as “moderate,” calling it a “notable opportunity” to use the  Brotherhood to promote American interests. James Traub echoed many of their  arguments in the New York Times Magazine on April 29, 2007, in which he  claimed that “the Muslim Brotherhood, for all its rhetorical support of Hamas,  could well be precisely the kind of moderate Islamic body that the  administration says it seeks.” In addition, a committee in the British House of  Commons also advocated the UK opening a dialogue with the Muslim Brotherhood, as  well. 
At the same  time, some U.S. officials and dignitaries seemed to have softened their approach  to the Muslim Brotherhood. In 2005, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice pressed  President Mubarak to open up participation in the Egyptian parliamentary  elections, resulting in a major increase of elected Muslim Brotherhood members  from 15 to 88. Subsequently, Mubarak became more reluctant to take U.S. advice.  
Visiting  U.S. House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer met twice in 2007 with the head of the  Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s parliamentary bloc, Mohammed Saad el-Katatni,  according to Brotherhood spokesman Hamdi Hassan. 
The critical  question is whether the Obama administration’s policy toward Egypt will be based  on a perception that the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood would be extremely  dangerous. Or have they taken the position – voiced in parts of the U.S. foreign  policy establishment – that the Muslim Brotherhood has become moderate and can  be talked to? The initial reactions of the Obama administration indicate that it  does not rule out Muslim Brotherhood participation in a future Egyptian  coalition government.8  Unfortunately, there  is a dangerous misconception about the Muslim Brotherhood in parts of the  foreign policy community in the West that could affect calculations in  Washington and London in the weeks ahead. 
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Notes  
1. Yoni Ben  Menahem, Israel Radio - Reshet Bet, February 1, 2011. 
2. Brynjar  Lia, The Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt – The Rise of an Islamic  Mass Movement 1928-1942 (Reading, UK: Ithaca Press, 1998) p. 80.  
3. Lorenzo  Vidino, The New Muslim Brotherhood in the West (New York: Columbia  University Press, 2010), p. 92. 
4. Lt. Col.  (res.) Jonathan Dahoah-Halevi, “The Muslim Brotherhood: A Moderate Islamic  Alternative to al-Qaeda or a Partner in Global Jihad?” Jerusalem Center  for Public Affairs, Jerusalem Viewpoints, No. 558, 1 November 2007.  
5. Ibid.  5 
6. “Muslim Brotherhood Supreme Guide:  ‘The U.S. Is Now Experiencing the Beginning of Its End’; Improvement and Change  in the Muslim World ‘Can Only Be Attained Through Jihad and Sacrifice,’”  MEMRI (Middle East Media Research Institute), Special Dispatch No. 3274,  October 6, 2010; 
http://www.memri.org/report/en/print4650.htm.  
7. Halevi,  “The Muslim Brotherhood.” 
8. Paul  Richter and Peter Nicholas, “U.S. Open to a Role for Islamists in New Egypt  Government: But the Muslim Brotherhood Must Renounce Violence and Support  Democracy, the White House Says,” Los Angeles Times, Latimes.com, January  31, 2011;  http://www.latimes.com/news/politics/la-fg-us-egypt-20110201,0,2958266.story/.  
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Ambassador Dore Gold, President of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, was the eleventh Permanent Representative of Israel to the United Nations (1997-1999). Dr. Gold served as foreign policy advisor to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during his first government and has advised Israeli governments since that time on U.S.-Israel relations. He is the author of the best-selling books: The Fight for Jerusalem: Radical Islam, the West, and the Future of the Holy City (Regnery, 2007), and The Rise of Nuclear Iran: How Tehran Defies the West (Regnery, 2009).
  
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