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Thursday, May 7, 2009
Jasser: Pious Muslims are needed to defeat Islamists
Posted by M. ZUHDI JASSER April 30, 2009 6:10 PM
In his first three months in office, President Barack Obama has focused on creating a relationship of "mutual interest and mutual respect" with what he has described as the "Muslim world."
His inaugural address, his interview on Al-Arabiya and his most recent visit to Turkey were all long on platitudes and apologetics toward the religion of Islam and Muslims, and short on specifics. Most recently, the new administration was even discussing making overtures with the "moderate" version of the Taliban in order to achieve a quick solution to the violence in Afghanistan, at the expense of long-term violations of human rights and Western ideals.
While the president's public relations initiative may yield some immediate benefit globally as measured in the public opinion polls of Muslims abroad, this is hardly the kind of real needed "change" that will last generations. Our security is not threatened by the tactic of terrorism, but rather by those individuals who are driven by the political ideology that feeds the mind-set of radical Islamism.
Islamists seek to put into place Islamic states and the associated system of laws best described as governmental sharia. Islamism is to this global conflict of the 21st century what communism was to the Cold War and Nazism was to World War II.
It seems the Obama administration is choosing the same old path of the cold war of appeasing the power brokers, which got us into the mess we are in. Siding with the lesser of two evils is not an option that will ever allow liberty-minded Muslims an opportunity to win a war of ideas against any of the autocrats already in power.
Whether it be the so-called "peaceful Taliban" or the deceptive Muslim Brotherhood, or even the Iranian Islamists who have chosen thus far to keep their fists clenched, they will tell Obama whatever he wants to hear in order to gain legitimacy and ascend to power. Once in power, Islamists will turn around and put into place their signature draconian systems. Obama squandered a rare opportunity in Ankara to reboot the contest of ideas between political Islam and the West.
Militant Islamists are simply more extreme, violent and intolerant than the nonmilitant Islamists. All have the same goal of eventually establishing a theocratic Islamic state. Simply describing their world as the Muslim world feeds into their false collectivization and division of the world by faiths.
Moderation among Muslims today is not gauged by their willingness to denounce wanton violence and the targeting of noncombatants, but rather by a Muslim's willingness to take on the ideology of political Islam in all of its forms from within the Muslim community. We should only empower those Muslims who are willing and able to take on this battle within the House of Islam.
While we are all distracted by valid immediate concerns over the economy, just one terror incident could quickly plunge us even further into defense against a spreading ideology with many metastases. The real threat of Islamist terror did not go away with 9/11. We have seen more than 30 attacks against Americans thwarted since 9/11.
The only ones who can marginalize and defeat the ideas of political Islam are pious Muslims who believe in their spiritual faith, but insist on separating religion and government. It is time to find ways to support an intellectual offensive promoting liberalism, freedom, equality and secularism over Islamism. This should be fueled by a public-private partnership of all faiths and led by Muslims from within the faith.
Government personnel oddly have been asked to strike from their lexicon terms like Islamism, jihad or Wahhabism. This is surrender in the war of ideas. If the language of our enemies is ignored, the needed civil war within Islam will never occur.
As long as this administration ignores ideology and focuses only on superficial public relations, the Islamists will continue to advance the ideas of political Islam while we sleep. It is time for a comprehensive, public domestic and foreign strategy against Islamism. It is time for Muslims to lead this effort with real American support and not just lip service.
M. Zuhdi Jasser is the founder and president of the American Islamic Forum for Democracy in Phoenix, Ariz. He spoke April 29 at the Rotary Club of Birmingham.
Wednesday, May 6, 2009
Rabbi Kaufman: An Impression of AIPAC 2009
should enable Israel to protect its people, to realize the fundamental responsibility of a free
government, namely to defend its people from harm, to enable them to meet opportunities."
The second jeered without caring as he said, "The same is true for the future of the Palestinian people as well. I say it loudly, because I believe in it more fondly. The Palestinian people have the right to govern themselves. We don't want to be their masters. They have the right to invest their resources, to direct aid to civil high tech, not military rocket -- to books, not bombs -- to their people, so their people can be both free and prosperous, free from fear, free from hunger."
Rabbi
Temple B'nai Jeshurun
Des Moines, Iowa
Netanyahu: Cooperation for peace can bring peace, deter Iranian quest for nuclear weapons
AIPAC Policy Conference 2009 May 4, 2009 [excerpt]
Summary: PM Netanyahu spoke about the common danger of Iran developing nuclear weapons and the opportunity it presents for Israel to work in cooperation toward peace with the Arab world.
The Prime Minister stated that Israel is "prepared to resume peace negotiations [with the Palestinians] without any delay and without any preconditions" in a context of simultaneous work on a security track and an economic track.
Netanyahu further stated that peace cannot come without security for Israel and that "for a final peace settlement to be achieved, the Palestinians must recognize Israel ...as the nation-state of the Jewish people."
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu: As [noted in my introduction,] I have met President Obama. I respect him, and I look forward to seeing him in Washington in a couple of weeks. We plan to continue our common quest for security, for prosperity, and for peace.
Friends, there is something significant that is happening today in the Middle East. And I can say that for the first time in my lifetime -- I believe that for the first time in a century -- that Arabs and Jews see a common danger. This wasn't always the case. In the '30s and '40s, many of the Arab world supported another country, believing that that was their hope. In the '60s and '70s, '80s, they supported another country that was at odds with the Jewish state. But this is no longer the case.
There is a great challenge afoot; but that challenge also presents great opportunities. The common danger is echoed by Arab leaders throughout the Middle East; it's echoed by Israel repeatedly. It's echoed by Europeans, by many responsible governments around the world. And if I had to sum it in one sentence, it is this: Iran must not be allowed to develop nuclear weapons. If I had to sum up the opportunity in one word, it would be cooperation – cooperation between Israel and the Arab world, and cooperation between Israel and the Palestinians.
Next week I'll be visiting Egypt with President Mubarak, and I plan to discuss both values with him. We seek expanded relations with the Arab world. We want normalization of economic ties and diplomatic ties. We want peace with the Arab world. But we also want peace with the Palestinians. That peace has eluded us for more than 13 years. Six successive prime ministers and two American presidents have not succeeded in achieving this final peace settlement. I believe it's possible to achieve it. But I think it requires a fresh approach. And the fresh approach that I suggest is pursuing a triple-track towards peace between Israel and the Palestinians; a political track, a security track, and an economic track.
A political track means that we're prepared to resume peace negotiations without any delay and without any preconditions; the sooner, the better. The security track means that we want to continue the cooperation with the program led by General Dayton in cooperation with the Jordanians and with the Palestinian Authority to strengthen the security apparatus of the Palestinians. This is something we believe in, and something that I think we can advance in a joint effort.
The economic track means that we are prepared to work together to remove as many obstacles as we can, to the advancement of the Palestinian economy. We want to work with the Palestinian Authority on this track, not as a substitute for political negotiations, but as a boost to them. I want to see Palestinian youngsters knowing that they have a future. I want them not to be hostage to a cult of death and despair and hate. I want them to have jobs. I want them to have career paths. I want them to know that they can provide for their families. This means that we can give them a future of hope; a future that means that there is prosperity for all, and this has proved to be successful in advancing a political piece in many parts of the world.
I believe that this triple track towards peace is the realistic path to peace. And I believe that with the cooperation of President Obama and President Abbas, we can defy the skeptics; we can surprise the world.
But there are two provisos that I think have to be said at this point. First, peace will not come without security. If we abandon security, we'll have never security nor peace. So I want to be very clear. We shall never compromise on Israel's security. Second, for a final peace settlement to be achieved, the Palestinians must recognize Israel as the Jewish state. They must recognize Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people.
A few hours ago I spoke at the Knesset. We mark the birthday of Theodore Herzl, the founding father of Zionism. Herzl revolutionized the history of the Jewish people; a people that were scattered and defenseless throughout the nations. He revolutionized Jewish history when he published a slim pamphlet called The Jewish State. This was our salvation, and this is our foundation; the foundation of our future and the foundation of peace.
Good night from Jerusalem. God bless America. God bless Israel. Thank you all.
Friday, May 1, 2009
Elad: Abbas won't bring peace
Unlike other Arab leaders, Abbas proves time and again that he cannot change Moshe Elad
05.01.09,
While we were marking Memorial Day, the most moderate Palestinian leader, Mahmoud Abbas, stated that “the Palestinians will never recognize Israel as a Jewish State.” Perfect timing for him. This declaration joins previous statements he made in Jordan and Lebanon, saying that “there will never be peace with Israel without resolving the refugee problem,” and that “the Palestinians will never lay down their arms and won’t abandon the armed struggle.”
Mahmoud Abbas has a history of such statements and has displayed significant hatred for Israel. Despite his fatherly and pleasant appearance in his suit, it turns out that he does not want to or cannot change. The Palestinian-Israeli issue is too much for him to handle. In the absence of vision, his leadership is summed up with raising donations from the West, the obsessive believer in Abbas’ ability to create a complete change.
In the past we already saw Arab leaders “changing their tune,” or in a more diplomatic language, “sobering up.” Anwar Sadat despised the Zionist movement and viewed it as a bitter enemy. He felt so threatened by it that during World War II he joined a Nazi underground organization in the hopes of eliminating the Jews. Later on, as the president of the Republic of Egypt, he pledged “a wild and brutal battle where we shall agree to sacrifice a million victims” in order to eliminate Israel. In October 1973, he indeed took the path of war. However, after the war Sadat was able to “change his tune” and talk peace. He became the first Arab leader to sign a peace treaty with Israel, and paid with his life.
The Palestinians, by the way, cursed him shamelessly, and referred to him as a “Sudanese slave” in protest of the unilateral peace treaty he signed. They will never forgive Egypt for renouncing the principles of the Arab nation – peace without resolving the Palestinian problem, without bringing the refugees back, and without liberating Jerusalem.
King Hussein, as it turned out after British archive documents were published, ordered his forces on May 25th and 26th in 1967 that any place to be occupied during the upcoming war (the Six-Day War) should see all its Israeli residents massacred. Indeed, Hussein’s hatred for Zionism and for Israel was clear. We must admit that the Hashemite king came a long way from issuing the terrible orders to butcher Jews to the signing of the peace treaty with Yitzhak Rabin in 1994, and later to kneeling as he offered his apologies to the families of the seven girls from Beit Shemesh who were murdered by a Jordanian soldier in 1997.
The Palestinians also have a score to settle with the Hashemite royal house, particularly since the killing of thousands of their people in “Black September” in 1970, and also as result of other actions by Hussein and his grandpa Abdullah against their people. Hussein also deeply hurt the Palestinians by signing a separate deal with us.
All or nothing
For many years, Syria served as a model for hatred and cruelty towards Israel and the Jews. We all remember the way the Syrians treated Israeli captives. However, some say that territorial compromise would prompt their leader Bashar Assad to sign a peace agreement with us, as the Egyptians and Jordanians did. Should that happen, the Palestinian attitude to the Syrians will be no different than their attitude to the Egyptians and Jordanians.
So why did this “work” with the Egyptians, Jordanians, and possibly with the Syrians, yet it’s not happening with the Palestinians? Apparently, it’s not going to work with them, because it appears the Palestinians will never “change their tune.” Yasser Arafat, who started the 1993 Oslo process with the hope that “we have found the Palestinian leader who will embark on a new path” and that “here is a leopard that will change his spots,” contributed greater servings of hatred and venom in his 10 years in office then what we saw in the past.
Several weeks after signing the deal with Rabin, Arafat called for jihad against Israel during a prayer session at a South African mosque. This is the same Arafat who smuggled wanted suspects and upgraded weapons to the Gaza Strip while at the very same time holding meetings in Tel Aviv.
Today, there is no fundamental difference between the Fatah’s Mahmoud Abbas and Hamas’ Khaled Mashaal. Both of them express the same principles. One of them does it from his fortress in Damascus, while the other does it from the Prime Minister’s Office in Jerusalem, among other places. There are no two Abbas’, only the real one, just like the real, jihadist Arafat. The privilege granted in the past to Arab leaders to utter radical words for “domestic purposes” is today anachronistic and ridiculous.
Today, we can say that the Palestinian-Israeli issue is too much for Abbas to handle, as it was too much for Arafat to handle. We do not only have a territorial conflict vis-à-vis the Palestinian entity. Indeed, we share a national question whereby most people affected by it, in the region and beyond it, do not believe in compromise, but only in the principle of “all or nothing.” Time and again they publically declare that Israel does not exist in their mind. The old-time Arafat and current-day Abbas are merely a reflection of this public.
Therefore, we do not have too many choices; all we can do is cope with this, and wait for change to come.
Colonel (res.) Moshe Elad served as the head of the security coordination mechanism with the Palestinian Authority in the Oslo Accord period. Today he is a lecturer at the Western Galilee Academic College (in our Israel Partnership region.)
Tuesday, April 28, 2009
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
April 28, 2009
Statement on the 61st Anniversary of Israel’s Independence
On behalf of the people of the United States, President Obama congratulates the people and government of Israel on the 61st anniversary of Israel’s independence. The United States was the first country to recognize Israel in 1948, minutes after its declaration of independence, and the deep bonds of friendship between the U.S. and Israel remain as strong and unshakeable as ever. The President looks forward to working with Israel to advance our common interests, including the realization of a comprehensive peace in the Middle East, ensuring Israel’s security, and strengthening the bilateral relationship, over the months and years to come.
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Monday, April 27, 2009
Abbas: "I don't accept Israel as a Jewish state"
Abbas won't recognize Israel as a Jewish state
AFP and The Associated Press contributed to this report, published 4/27/09 on ynet.com
Palestinian President delivers harsh speech in Ramallah in which he says Israel can define itself as a Jewish state, ' but I don't accept it and I say so publicly.' Abbas also says talks cannot be resumed without Israeli settlement freeze
Palestinian president Mahmud Abbas said on Monday that he will not recognize Israel as a Jewish state, as demanded by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
"A Jewish state, what is that supposed to mean?" Abbas asked in a speech in the West Bank's political capital of Ramallah. "You can call yourselves as you like, but I don't accept it and I say so publicly."
He said it's not his job to define the state of Israel. "Name yourself, it's not my business," He said. "All I know is that there is the state of Israel, in the borders of 1967, not one centimeter more, not one centimeter less. Anything else, I don't accept."
Abbas said that the topic was "extensively discussed" and rejected by the Palestinians during the November 2007 international conference in Annapolis, Maryland during which the two sides relaunched their negotiations.
Netanyahu has demanded that Palestinians recognize Israel as a Jewish state as part of an eventual peace deal.
Such a move would amount to an effective renunciation of the right of return of refugees from the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, when Israel was created, one of the most cherished and visceral principles to the Palestinians.
Abbas also said a complete construction freeze is a prerequisite for resuming talks. Netanyahu supports settlement construction and has not committed to the idea of Palestinian statehood.
In his speech, Abbas said he would not give in to possible Israeli or international pressure on the Palestinians to resume negotiations even if settlement construction continues.
"For sure, we won't submit to pressures. For example, if they say 'come and then we'll see, come.' No, we won't accept. Regarding the peace talks, this is our position, even if someone, if anyone in the world says 'you're wrong,"' he said.
Wednesday, April 22, 2009
Wapo: Iran is playing with the US
What Iran is doing is inviting Mr. Obama to humiliate his new administration by launching talks with the regime even while it is conspicuously expanding its nuclear program, campaigning to delegitimize and destroy Israel and imprisoning innocent Americans. --editorial
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Invitation to Appease Will the Obama administration talk to Iran while it persecutes Americans and libels Israel?
Editorial, Washington Post Wednesday, April 22, 2009
LAST WEEK, the Iranian regime brought American journalist Roxana Saberi before a closed court and in a one-hour trial convicted her of espionage -- a blatantly bogus charge. She was sentenced to eight years in prison. On Monday, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who was last seen inaugurating a new facility for Iran's nuclear program, appeared at the U.N. conference on racism in Geneva to deliver a speech seemingly calculated to cause maximum outrage in the United States and other Western countries. They had, he said, "resorted to military aggression" in order to create Israel "on the pretext of Jewish sufferings and the ambiguous and dubious question of the Holocaust."
Thus has Iran answered President Obama's offer of dialogue and the decision by his administration to join talks on Tehran's nuclear program. To the consternation of some European officials, Washington has insisted on dropping a long-standing demand that Iran obey U.N. resolutions ordering it to suspend uranium enrichment before negotiations begin. Iran could have responded to this concession by releasing Ms. Saberi, who holds U.S. and Iranian citizenship, and ex-FBI agent Robert Levinson, as the administration asked it to do in a State Department letter last month. Instead the charges against Ms. Saberi were ramped up, from practicing journalism without a credential and buying wine, to espionage; the regime does not even admit that it is holding Mr. Levinson.
Then came Mr. Ahmadinejad's speech, which repeated the numerous anti-Israel and anti-Semitic libels that have made the Iranian president a pariah in the West. Western delegates walked out on the address, which the State Department rightly called "vile and hateful." Yet Mr. Ahmadinejad had accomplished his aim: advancing Iran's claim to represent radical Arab and Islamic opinion, along with his own campaign for reelection in June.
Iran watchers point out that Mr. Ahmadinejad has sent other messages recently. He said he would welcome direct talks with Washington, and over the weekend he dispatched a letter to Ms. Saberi's prosecutor urging that she be allowed to defend herself. These are not necessarily contradictions. What Iran is doing is inviting Mr. Obama to humiliate his new administration by launching talks with the regime even while it is conspicuously expanding its nuclear program, campaigning to delegitimize and destroy Israel and imprisoning innocent Americans. Mr. Ahmadinejad's unlikely concern for Ms. Saberi's defense, along with other regime statements suggesting her sentence could be reduced, sound like an offer to make her a bargaining chip -- to be exchanged, perhaps, for members of the Revolutionary Guard Corps who are in U.S. custody in Iraq.
Mr. Obama has always said that talks with Iran must be conducted under the right circumstances and in a way that advances U.S. interests. The administration won't meet that test if it allows negotiations to become a means of vindicating Mr. Ahmadinejad's radical agenda. It should postpone any contact until after the Iranian election in June -- and it should look for clear signs that Iran is acting in good faith before talks begin. The unconditional release of Ms. Saberi and Mr. Levinson would be one.